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Trump's followers are devoted to him, I have no doubt in my mind that he could kill someone (I mean personally, he's already killed more than most serial killers, but that's far from our eyes and safely tucked away were no american need care) and he wouldn't lose any voters, let alone something as silly as treason, "BUT WHAT ABOUT HER EMAILS" the Trump devotee cries in response... Yeah I think many people are realizing that capitalism's just an awful and unjust system, and two people who'd sooner support a fascist police state than even Bernie like reformism aren't good choices.
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I don't like the Biden/O'Rourke combo either, but I still disagree. Pairing Biden with a neoliberal would not win over any real progressives...
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@WVProgressive I'm curious why you think Trump/Pence wins in question #3
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I would vote for Biden, but this combo especially is not what democrats need. If Biden were the nominee, it would be wise for him to pick someone like Booker or Harris
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This poll is based off this: https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/421506-biden-team-discussed-2020-run-with-orourke-as-vp-report
- Today
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eringobrian1 joined the community
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I had a near-shutout in the 1944 election as FDR, winning every state except Vermont. 382 votes kept me from getting every electoral vote.
- Yesterday
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Election Night 2019 for the UK is over. Thornberry's Labour gained roughly 90 seats, with the Conservatives losing 65+ and the SNP losing over 25. The final results are as standing Labour (Governing Majority) - 355 Seats Conservatives (Main Opposition) - 250 Seats Lib Dems - 16 Seats SNP - 8 Seats Sinn Fein- 7 Seats DUP - 6 Seats Ulster Unionists - 3 Seats Greens - 2 Seats Plaid Cymru - 1 Seat Alliance/SDLP - 1 Each UKIP- 0 (3.5% popular vote) The main surprise seen here was the battering of the DUP. The Ulster Unionists gained quite a bit by Labour forcing themselves into Northern Ireland. Labour ended out with 10.2% in North-East Northern Ireland and 13% in South-West Northern Ireland. In Scotland, the Labour party edged out Sturgeon's SNP in the Northern section while crushing them in the Southern portion. Labour came within 4 points of knocking off DUP MP David Simpson in the Northern portion, their closest result.
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It's the eve of election night and many are holding their breaths. Nicola Sturgeon's SNP and the Conservatives in particular are hoping for a better night than forecasted. Many are still forecasting the SNP to be hovering about 10 seats, where the Conservatives are at about 250. Labour's forays into Northern Ireland gained little traction, but their sizeable 10% is nothing to scoff at.
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I know. It's just for fun.
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I only have one real nitpicking note. It seems highly unusual in a Westminster system (living in one, myself) for a party that has just successfully and triumphantly brought down a government in a vote of no-confidence that they tabled to right after hold a leadership convention against the wishes of the sitting leader. I'm just pointing out this is not at all a normal occurrence in the Westminster political scheme.
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Horrible predictions for the SNP as it looks like they're only likely to keep SIX seats. Labour is now projected to win a clear majority under would-be PM Thornberry. She is hinting at overtures to making people run in Northern Ireland.
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Labour continues its gains under Thornberry's leadership. Seat projection is just shy of 326, whereas they have a clear cut majority in Scotland. Will she be able to utterly destroy the SNP in its current form?
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An awful week of polling if you're anyone but Labour. The SNP is on track to be trounced by Labour in Scotland. They stand at just 11 seats. The Conservatives are suffering nationwide, with Labour now being projected to enter into a minority government. A lot of seats are still undecided.
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A major boost for MP Thornberry in the week of Christmas, Labour has got to be feeling excited. About 13% of the population remains undecided, but Labour has inched just 1 percent below the Conservatives. In Scotland, Labour's mood is jubilant as they race to catch the SNP in seats. The last week the Conservatives took it on the chin as Labour's projected seats increased by 30.
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Election Year in the UK begins as Theresa May loses a no confidence vote began by Labour (fiction, but for the sake of the game will be acting as if real). With the backing of the SNP, Lib Dems, and crucially some rebel Tories, a new general election has been called. MP Emily Thornberry forced the vote, and took over as leader of Labour, triumphing over Corbyn in a vote of 138-119. She leads Labour into a General Election with perhaps her ability to become PM on the line.
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Tim Harper: The Story of the 47th President of the United States
falk replied to falk's topic in Election Play-by-Play
Chapter 5: Trump Then candidate Trump campaigns in South Carolina's 1st Congressional District. Harper’s loss shattered his personal confidence and for a while, he had personally contemplated getting out of politics. While Harper never expected to win, he did expect to elevate the standard of debate; Harper ran a statewide campaign that was oriented around opposing the rhetoric that he had opposed his entire career – except now that rhetoric had a face and a name. When Harper lost, and when he saw Trump’s fortunes rise, he asked himself what impact he really had in Washington. Sure, he had speeches that were uploaded to Facebook and viewed a couple hundreds of thousands of times, but he wasn’t achieving anything that he had set out to do when he first ran. Frankly, politics had broken Harper, and he longed for nothing more than to leave. It had not only jaded him but exposed him to a reality that was in stark contrast to his sunny optimism. For him, it seemed like what he had been fighting his whole life was more an inescapable fact than a fightable future. It was more an existential question of what his purpose was in Washington, and he had absolutely no answer to offer. Even worse, his statewide polarizing campaign made his personal re-election odds in South Carolina’s 1st slightly less than certain. Dimitri Cherny, the Sanders-tattoo bearing Democratic candidate, described himself as a “radical candidate.” Cherny had found some political momentum by running on a platform aimed at Harper’s faults, rather than his own policy merits. While Cherny could find no support for his publicly mocked plan to “colonize Planet B,” he found decent support in targeting Harper’s lack of substance in the House and subsequent lack of results. Would Harper just get out of politics? For anyone following Harper’s political career, it was obvious that Harper had longed to return to private life. Harper had personally sworn to himself not to become a lifelong member of the House, camping out in a safe seat and becoming complacent with the winds of political change. Harper finally decided that he needed to raise the stakes; no longer would he stand idly by as the party he had slowly invested himself into crumbled around him. Harper announcing that he will not run again if elected once more to represent South Carolina's 1st. “…we know the name of the game – they’re elected, they’re re-elected, and they’re re-elected again, and after all those elections, what do they have to show for it? Nothing. The people of South Carolina have seen this movie before, and so have I. That’s why I got into politics, that’s why you elected me. But our complacency and self-satisfaction once we get the job must never be an excuse for inaction. We can’t afford to delay, not now, we can’t afford to stand still satisfied with the way things are because folks, there is still more work to do. And where the cloud of re-election looms over politicians, providing cover for their inaction, the people of South Carolina, the people of this party and the people of this country don’t have that same luxury. And folks, starting now, I won’t have that luxury either. I have no more elections to run; after this election, if the people of South Carolina are so willing to send me back for another two-year term, it will be my last election that I run in. We have so much to accomplish, and no longer will our cynicism, our electoral self-instinct and self-necessity be barriers to our success – the people of South Carolina deserve better and we’re going to deliver. That mission begins today.” Harper’s bombshell announcement came as a surprise to congressional leadership and party insiders. The press however, who had paid close attention to Harper’s personal rumblings through the close mutualistic relationship that they shared together, was not as surprised. Similarly, leadership would be similarly surprised by what would follow: the press, not so much. In some way, Harper had released himself from the own bonds that he created. No longer would he be walking the tightrope that leveraged his fundraising prowess with his more un-orthodox political views, he could now say what he wanted without having compromised his position in the NRCC. But what would he spend his newfound political freedom on? For anyone paying attention, it was obvious: Trump. There was little speculation as to the reason for why Harper did not join Trump when he campaigned in South Carolina’s 1st congressional district: Harper was one of his most adamant congressional opponents. Harper would take the heat from his colleagues and friends back at home, continuing to refine his image as an anti-Trump Republican that he established during his Senate bid earlier in the year. Harper would participate in several nationwide speaking engagements, capitalizing on his safe seat to spend time elsewhere on a message of “realistic optimism,” a phrase he especially liked out on the speaking circuit. At this point, his credentials were well established – Harper had even taken his message to CPAC earlier in the year at March, where his opposition to Trump was received with tepid support. Although earlier on, it was certainly a lot easier to oppose Trump; at least when his ambitions seemed to be most in doubt. Harper never thought a gaffe-prone candidate like Trump would have won the nomination over his personal friends like Governor Bush, Senator Rubio and Governor Kasich. But like many Republicans, Harper was in the difficult spot of rallying behind the party candidate or being complicit in the installation of another Clinton administration. As much as Harper had opposed Trump, Harper certainly did not want a Clinton presidency. As someone who had sought out to limit his time in office for the sake of getting something done, Harper saw Clinton as the exact opposite: someone who would sacrifice progress for political relevancy in the future hope that she would become President. She had flip flopped on a number of issues, so much so that Harper genuinely was confused on the impact of her policy execution. Furthermore, as a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Harper would place a significant amount of responsibility on Secretary Clinton’s shoulders for what he saw as the declining role of American involvement in the world. The continuance of the Obama-era foreign policy doctrine, best described as “strategic patience and awareness,” would not cut it for Harper. But he would have to weigh the distinct personality and policy differences that he had with Clinton with Trump’s potential to genuinely disturb the institution of the Presidency, for which he had gained so much respect for after his time in the legislature. Now, it was unlikely that Harper would have been a deciding factor either way, for he had always assumed that Clinton was to win. But for him, it was more a matter of principle, as he saw Trump’s candidacy as one of the great political tests of his career. It was also his grand political thesis that he had been working on his entire career, that the American people would reject the rhetoric of division and polarization and together deny the face of that rhetoric a place in the highest office of the land. For a while, it seemed as if Harper’s thesis was being proven right. Trump’s RNC speech sowed the seeds of division and fear, and polls seemed to corroborate Harper’s prognostications. The Access Hollywood tapes only confirmed Harper’s opinion that Harper was unfit to serve, and almost engraved in stone the idea that Clinton would be elected President. Or so he thought. Clinton supporters looking nervous on Election Night 2016. As CNN began their election night coverage, Harper watched with some ambivalence as helicopter footage captured Clinton’s motorcade heading for the polls. On one hand, the first woman President would be an empowering symbol to the world that would not fall on deaf ears, especially for Harper whose daughter he loved more than anything else. Also, the country would soon reject Trump and the divisive tone that he had provided a national stage for. But on the other hand, Harper had been personally been dreading the prospect of another two years in the opposition. He had made a promise, now that he had been unshackled from his political chains, that he could actually enact the conservative legislative pledges that he had run on. To face two more years of proposing legislation only to know it would never see a vote or face a veto was crushing and purposeless. It had been one of the main reasons for his evolvingly jaded and cynical view of Washington. With the prospect that Democrats would take both the House and the Senate, the unparalleled power that President-elect Clinton would have rendered his position in the House useless. By the end of the night, Harper would have his fears unexpectedly alleviated. The beginning of the night looked good for Harper – strong showings in Charleston and Horry county all but hammered in the final nail in the coffin for Cherny’s “insurgent” Democratic campaign. But the cheering and jubilation seen in campaign headquarters wasn’t reflected in the atmosphere of Harper’s private office; at home, Harper had just received calls from NRCC headquarters and Speaker Ryan revealing that the exit polls were worse than they had thought: Republicans were looking at major losses in the House and the Senate. Personally, Harper had wondered what those in the conference call – those who were lamenting the loss of their majorities in both chambers – had been expecting. The Republicans had done the exact opposite of what chairman Priebus had suggested in the 2012 RNC autopsy, and Republicans were paying the price nationwide. Yet, as the precincts started to come in, Harper had noticed various counties in Florida, Ohio, Michigan, Virginia and Pennsylvania that had swung hard for Trump. Furthermore, Senate exit polls in Pennsylvania, Indiana and Wisconsin brought a glimmer of hope to the NRCC who had all but given up after seeing the exit polls earlier in the day. Republicans across the country were retaining some seats, and turnout for the Republican base was looking stronger than expected. But as the tone shifted to jubilant at NRCC headquarters, Harper was personally more reserved. Harper didn’t even give a victory speech that night, he was solemnly sitting at his private study. Could it actually be happening? Trump? Harper still found it hard to believe, but soon the ticker tape and CNN banner brought it to reality. Harper made a call to Priebus that night, where he documented the concern of the party in visceral detail. He asked “what happens to us?” surely referring to Republicans with concerns about the new President-elect. Priebus reminded Harper that he could find some relief in the fact that he was now able to actually pass legislation, keeping true to his campaign pledges. Harper was also reminded that he now would be able to maintain his anti-establishment, anti-Trump mantra that would give him a personality in Congress while also being able to pass legislation for his constituents. But Harper didn’t really care about keeping his message of anti-Trump politics; he wasn’t even going to stay in politics! But Harper was going to stay, at least for two more years. He decided that he would much rather be effective in Congress than outspoken without any ability to change things. He was a realist more so than an idealist, so he knew that resigning from the party in the protest or burning the bridges that he had repaired with congressional Republican leadership would have been a bad idea. So, the next two years would be important, but the year that would just pass would be the most formative of his political life. He had been humbled by his loss and then humbled even more – if not more scared – by Trump’s election. He would take the year as a political personal realignment; rethinking the best way to allocate his political energy and forces. It was made abundantly clear to him over the past year that rhetoric alone was not enough to stop the inevitable; that his charisma would be no substitute for action. He would take the time he had left in Congress to enact and pass what he wanted, trying to broker deals between both parties to pass common-sense legislation that he thought was best for the country. But more importantly, he would try to spare the institutions that he respected so deeply from the stress that Trump would impose on it, he would make sure that Trump had a credible check in the legislative branch – at least vocally if not procedurally. The next two years would define his political career, and he promised his district, his family and himself that he would make the most of it. Regional SC-01 results for Election Night 2016. -
1. Joe Biden 2. Joe Biden It'll be my first time being eligible to vote, and if I voted in the Dem Primaries it would be for Biden.
- Last week
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If Quebec is simply keeping McGill, Concordia, or Bishop's open to appease English speakers, it should close them or convert them to French-speaking promptly! English-speaking students in Quebec have *lots* of options in Canada, including many that are close by (Ontario and the maritimes). Look at Bishop's, which is among the top ranked undergraduate institutions in Canada in terms of student satisfaction. Only 30% of students are from Quebec, so this university is probably bringing in a significant amount of money for the province. McGill, as mentioned, is one of the most prestigious in the world and a boon for Quebec's economy. These institutions make sense for Quebec to keep open *because they make Quebec money*. The Ontario government cancelled the proposed French-speaking university because they believed *it would cost them money*.
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@Edouard But they *are* keeping their French options (as mentioned, Université d'Ottawa or Université Laurentienne, placed in the places in Ontario with the most French speakers), they're simply not getting a *new* university. There are more people whose mother tongue is *Chinese* than French in Ontario, and those people have *no* bi-lingual English-Chinese universities in Ontario.
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And I agree for McGill But the francophones deserve to keep their services in French as they are enough to deserve their own university, they're as much as the anglophones in Quebec in number if we only count the mother tongue of born. The whole Quebec stands behind the francophone community of Ontario, as I said Quebecers will alway prefer the independence to the language assimilation, and this is one of the things that made a lot of governments since the 1st premiership As said a famous federalist PM of Quebec;
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This poll is based on CNN's monthly Democratic candidate power rankings
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Tim Harper: The Story of the 47th President of the United States
orangecountydem46 replied to falk's topic in Election Play-by-Play
Hey Falk- just checking in on if the story continues after the hiatus or is it officially canceled? Can Netflix still save it? -
My best as William Tecumseh Sherman, in the 1884 scenario. I started from the primaries. On the eve of the primaries, I was projected to be only 2 delegates shy of winning the nomination on the 1st ballot. I narrowly won New Hampshire and New Jersey, which put me over the top. The Democratic contest was largely a stalemate between Cleveland and Bayard. Everyone who dropped out rallied instead behind the compromise choice, perhaps one of the darkest of dark horse candidates, Rep. Joseph McDonald of Indiana. I chose Frederick Douglass as my running mate, McDonald picked Gen. Winfield Hancock. The election was close the entire time - polls consistently showed me narrowly ahead, but not by much. Most of the swing states were leaning towards me in the last week. Pennsylvania in the end was the only toss-up, and Tennessee was the only state I won that was leaning Democratic - Florida, Maryland, West Virginia, Arkansas and Michigan were all leaning towards McDonald, and he narrowly won them.
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OOC: Ah ok.
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Very unlucky hit with the odds (mainly due to electoral enthusiasm)
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